Nov 17
AleksHistory
RIGA — The following is my translation of the editorial published in the Russian-language newspaper Segodnya on November 18, 1925, Latvia’s 7th independence anniversary. I kept the original emboldened text.
Seven years of independence, seven years of independent existence … In the history of the nation, this is a short term. But for the newly created state, it is considerable, the testing period of our viability and a possibility of independent political existence. Our country has withstood this test and the acknowledgement of this basic fact is the greatest achievement of these difficult first years. Sacrifices had not been offered in vain, the blood of freedom fighters, whom we have to remember first of all today, was spilled onto the native land as fruitful seeds from which a mighty tree of liberty and independence is growing.
Today’s celebration must remind us of great values, which we’ve obtained seven years ago. Those values have not disappeared, but have developed and strengthened. Liberty, democratic system, equality of all before the law — these are the benefits we often forget amidst workaday life, political squabbles and quarrels. With all imperfection of our system, with all its shortcomings, in the presence of these fundamentals presents citizens with an opportunity to feel as free people, who live in a free country, who have an opportunity to develop their own individual strengths, develop their own pecuniary and spiritual culture. Only by comparison with the enslavement one can cherish the true happiness of liberty. We often underestimate the great importance for each of us the opportunity to employ basic rights of personal immunity, right to own property and security. These benefits must be cherished as the apple of one’s eye and be placed above various political arguments and disagreements.
We have been reminded of this in the recent days when the country found a new master, the newly elected Saeima. With all diversity of the political parties, with all diversity of interests, the idea of supreme sovereignty must be paramount and not a single government combination should — or better yet must — not weaken it. Unfortunately, very often the fog of political squabbles hides the basic principles of our state, built on equality and liberty. For harmonious development of our country, it is necessary to use all forces capable of creation. Not a single one of them must be discarded under the influence of various sentiments. Again, it is impossible to hide the fact that this demand for a correct development of our political life is not being followed. Attitude toward national minorities, which is so vividly shown in recent days, is a striking illustration of this prejudice that is not suitable for the state and is harmful to the state.
Without a slight exaggeration, one can say the fundamentals of the state, which came into existence seven years ago and are enshrined into the Constitution presented an opportunity to build a state and its institutions for the benefit of all citizens. It is necessary for the current builders to follow the style of the building, so that they would not build annexes from the previous periods and eras.
After the first years of trials, the creative work is quite possible. And the international situation does not interfere. Locarno Treaties delivers a new spirit of peace and promises in the future to create stable necessary balance and for new states a much-needed peace. Latvia, in the last seven years, has striven to do anything possible to solidify peace, and of course, in the future it will be faithful to this policy.
In a Russian fairy-tale, a child who has just turned 7 is the most skilled person in solving riddles presented before him. He solves them quickly and get a piece of good luck for himself and his near relations.
Let our seven-year-old country be as lucky and as happy in resolving complicated riddles put before her. For behind all party and class disagreements lies something unifying, something that stand above all squabbles. It is prosperity — both financial and spiritual – for all people inhabiting this country regardless of their class or nationality.
Nov 11
AleksHistory, Personal, Society
RIGA – I discovered this picture in my family photo archive several days ago. The second from the left is my great uncle, my great-grandmother’s brother, Vasily. He is wearing the interwar Latvia’s uniform, though I don’t know where he served or what rank he held. Nor do I know who the other people in the photo are or where exactly the photo was taken. The two men on the far right are the most puzzling. Why are they holding hands?
The great-uncle comes from the family’s Old Believer side, who had lived in the region of Latgale for centuries. Vasily was born in 1920, so this photo must have been taken between 1938 – when he turned 18 – and 1940, the year when the Soviets dismantled the Latvian army along with the Latvian state. He went on to serve in the Red Army after the Latvian military units became part of the Soviet military force. During the war, he fought against the Nazi Germany. According to my grandmother, Vasily was wounded several times near Moscow, and, eventually, killed.
My photo discovery coincided with the Lāčplēša Diena or the Bear Slayer’s Day, a day when Latvia remembers all its soldiers who fought in all wars. Unlike the UK Remembrance Day, Latvia’s military holiday has no connection to the end of the First World War. It marks a day when the almost one-year-old Latvian republic chased the West Russian Volunteer Army out of Riga. “Riga is liberated,” hailed the Russian-language newspaper “Segodnya” in its November 19, 1919 edition. “The nightmare of the 30-day assault entered the pages of the heartless history,” its editorial said.
Today, Latvia is remembering the Bear Slayer’s Day with military parades, candle-light vigil, concerts and remembrance services in Pārdaugava, where the Latvian army defeated the enemy, awarding medals to those soldiers who died defending their country. Even a reenactment. One is reminded of Latvian soldiers serving in Afghanistan and three Latvian UN workers abducted in Sudan.
Today is a day free of historical interpretations. It lays diametrically opposite other days on Latvia’s political calendar such as May 9 or March 16. A motion to elevate this day to remember all fallen soldiers regardless whether they fought on the German or the Soviet side seemed to have failed as the people appear to prefer controversy over remembrance.
Nov 04
AleksHistory, National Minorities, Parliament, Politics, The Dombrovskis government
Count Monte Kristo, Latvia's new foreign minister
RIGA – A presumably old foreign Latvian wished I had never been born.
“Too bad his mother did not abort him, nor Arajs plant him as a fertilizer for weeds,” said the anonymous poster, who goes under the name of Mr. L. L. on a website for the Latvian diaspora. The site’s admin deleted this portion of the post, which I didn’t really find offensive. I prefer not to take idiots seriously.
So unlike our new foreign minister, the leader of the Unity bloc, Ģirts Valdis Kristovskis. In search of glory and public appeasement he is willing to publicly communicate even with the radical wing of his own party. Last October, he had received a letter from a Latvian American doctor, complaining about the presence of many Russian-speakers in his native Latvia.
“Latvia is the only country in the world – including Russia – where Russians are marching forward,” Aivars Slucis said in an email published on a Latvian news web site this week. Slucis noted that as a doctor, he cannot return to Latvia because “I wouldn’t be able to treat Russians and Latvians equally in Latvia, which is not allowed. This is why I’m waiting.”
Kristovskis wrote a complete answer, filled with polite agreements. The letter began with words “I agree with your vision and evaluation” of the situation. The correspondence was made public yesterday after the parliament voted on a new government, effectively appointing Kristovskis a new foreign minister. Today, the opposition for calling for his dismissal. The opposition has called him a xenophobe who would not be a good candidate to represent Latvia internationally. When he arrived to the parliament this morning, he seemed nervous. Maybe it was because he was running; maybe for some other reason, but his hands were shaking as he read out loud passages from the email exchange. His political ambitions and sheer sloppiness got the best of him. He seemingly desires to be liked by everyone, including the members of his party so much so that he is unwilling to ignore anyone, including the most radical people in his party – the Civic Union.
For the Civic Union, the politics is a balancing act between the somber silent reasonable minority and the loud controversial majority. The current government would be wise to watch every step, double-check every move as it enjoys a mere slim majority in the 100-member parliament. It doesn’t bode well for Latvia’s political stability.
Update: The Mayo Clinic in the United States has launched an investigation into Dr. Slucis’ letter to Krisotvskis, written from Slucis’ work e-mail account.
Oct 21
AleksPolitics, Soviet Past
Mayor of Riga, Nils Ušakovs from Harmony Centre and Prime Minister of Latvia Valdis Dombrovskis from Unity party bloc. Photo courtesy of the State Chancellery.
RIGA – Just a week ago, it appeared as though Latvia was on the verge of making a step forward. For the first time since Latvia’s restored independence almost 20 years ago, the pro-Russian political party came close to forming the country’s next 16th cabinet. Even if the government with Harmony Centre would have lasted for a week or a month, it would have done more to consolidate the society than 20 years of the state integration policy.
The talks, however, failed before they even started because of a debate related to the country’s Soviet past. Specifically, it relates to the event of June 17, 1940, when the Soviet tanks rolled in after Moscow claimed Latvia violated the terms of the 1939 Soviet-Latvian cooperation pact. Even more specifically, it relates to the term “occupation.” For the record, I don’t have a problem acknowledging the fact of the occupation. But now the term “occupation” has evolved into something distant from the 1940 events.
Since it emerged in Latvia back in the late 1980s, the term, it appears, has evolved into a loyalty test for non-Latvians, even those who are naturalized citizens of this country. The political debates go something like this:
Translation: Dale Carnegy: How to forget the occupation and start living a happy life." Source: satori.lv
“Tell me, do you believe that the Soviet Union occupied Latvia in 1940?”
“Yes, I do.”
“Do you really?”
“Yes.”
“Say it like you mean it.”
“I mean it.”
“Let me hear you say it.”
“The Soviet Union occupied Latvia in 1940.”
“Was Hitler as bad as Stalin?”
“Yes.”
“I don’t believe you.”
I understand that this is an oversimplification. Yet, it appears some folks will never ever ever let it go. To them, every ethnic non-Latvian will always be an occupier, who is always serving his master in the Kremlin and never actually adapted to the independent democratic republic of Latvia. It appears though as Latvians themselves have to come to terms with their own past.
I stumbled across this quote from a member of the Latvian Popular Front, Mavriks Vulfsons, written in the distant 1989 in the newspaper Atmoda, the Awakening.
Genuinely looking into history’s eyes, we have to name all that happened in the past by their true names. There was violence against the sovereign Latvian state, and there was dissatisfaction with the Ulmanis regime. There were brave and honest fighters for democracy and socialism in Latvia, and there were the Stalinist repressions. There was a no less bloody occupation period. There were Hitlerite henchmen and Latvian soldiers on the front’s both sides. There was the Victory and repeated repressions. (…) There was one historical injustice, which one should never forget, but it belongs to the past and it is irreversible. But still – without a 100-percent honest evaluation of the past, it will be difficult to forge our future according to those demands, which is given to us by our people, party, and time.
Sep 11
AleksHistory, Identity, National Minorities, Society
National Poet of Latvia, Rainis
RIGA – Latvian poet, translator, social democratic journalist and politician Rainis, died on September 12, 1929. Hours before his death, Rainis penned an article in Russian called “Латвийцы”, or Latvians. It was published in the Russian-language newspaper Сегодня/Segodnya on September 29, 1929, in an edition devoted to the 10th anniversary of the newspaper. The article is often quoted by the Russian political groups, who misinterpret it and take it out of context.
A little needs to be said about the title. English is somewhat vague using the term Latvians. It could refer to either an ethnic group of Latvians, or it could refer to the citizens of Latvia. And the two do not often mean the same thing. There is an archaic English word: “Letts,” which refers to ethnic Latvians. Consequently, Lettish is a derivative adjective. It is used in this text to mean the same thing, even though the word is hardly in use any more. The following in my translation of the article from the original Russian into English:
When I am asked a question about literature as a means of convergence between the Russian and Latvian peoples, I first and foremost am reminded of the conditions for the existence of the minorities in Latvia. The conditions undoubtedly are favorable. Cultural autonomy forged a gratifying soil for mutual understanding.
But there are few fruits yet. What especially attracts my attention is that this aspiration to converge is first exhibited by the Jews. Significantly less frequent attempts are made by the Russian minority, and even less by the German minority. The reasons as I see are that Russians and Germans considering themselves peoples with ancient great culture are unwilling to make first steps towards the convergence.
The text of the article
But, by the way, that convergence is extremely necessary and it ought to take place best of all through the mutual exchange of literary works.
When it comes to the Russian literature, we, the Letts, have always been interested in it, have learned from great Russian writers. It’s true that Russians showed little interest in the Latvian literature, they rarely noticed it. I must note, however, this one comforting exception. Your newspaper more than other minority publications always promoted the need for cultural convergence. I didn’t have an opportunity to follow Segodnya regularly because I spent a lot of time traveling, but in the previous years, and by those issues that I did read in the last few months I was convinced that this is one of those few newspapers, which often presents their readers with examples of translated works of the best Lettish authors, follows the work of our theaters, and shows interest in the new Lettish literature and works of the Lettish artists.
All of that, of course, impacts the drive toward the convergence of the two people. The fact that Segodnya broadly informs readers about the successes of the Lettish artists and actors abroad as well as the cultural initiatives of the Letts, I am ready to credit as an accomplishment of the minority leaders, who attempt to establish cultural connection with Latvians. Unfortunately, I cannot say the same about the Germans. But even more than Russians, the convergence with Letts occupies, as it is seen, the Jews and the Poles, often underscoring their interest in the Lettish culture.
Convergence of the people has to start, of course, in schools. Up until now, the convergence of the young generation has not taken place systemically. Detachment is detrimental not only to Letts, but also to the minorities themselves. This occurrence is unhealthy and inappropriate. The Germans, for example, uselessly disassociate themselves from the Letts, often forgetting that they are not going the same way as the foreign Germans. The ideology of the Latvian Germans and proper Germans is significantly different. The Russian youth rarely adopts the need for the cultural convergence. As I have already mentioned, predominantly Jewish youth, who well-mastered the Latvian language, makes a pleasant exception.
I would like to point out to Switzerland as an example of a country where peacefully co-exist three peoples. Each Swiss – be it a German, a French or an Italian – has only one motherland. It is Switzerland. And everywhere they call themselves Swiss. Latvia is too far from the ideal brotherhood of the peoples.
We, in the Lettish language, don’t even have a special word, signifying a Latvian [resident of Latvia], corresponding to the Russian word “россиянин” [resident of Russia] in Russian. I supported the need for introduction of a word which could denote all peoples residing in Latvia. I offered the word “latvijetis”, in Russian латвиец. But my proposition didn’t find supporters. Latvia’s Russian, a German or a Jew finding himself outside of Latvia will definitely say that he is a Russian from Latvia; a German from Latvia; a Jew from Latvia. A foreigner doesn’t understand this. Being in Palestine, I was often asked what the state language of Latvia was, what the languages of minorities were. I answered that our minorities didn’t assimilate to majority and they all speak their own language. But my interviewers weren’t satisfied.
“Why is it that all Latvian citizens don’t think of themselves as Latvians, but think of themselves as Russians, Germans and Jews?”
I ran into three Jewish students in Brussels. Many times I have told them who I was and I asked them in German which nationality they were.
The answer followed: “Wir sind lettlender.” It turned out that they speak Lettish well and present themselves as Latvians (латвиец)/
This was a very comforting phenomenon, and it characterizes the mood of the new Latvian youth-minority, a new generation of Latvians.
At one time I was asked by two young beginner writers, both Jewish. They were asking me for help in publishing their works, written in Lettish.
As you can see the young generation of Latvians is predisposed to the process of convergence. At first, it has been done by the Jews, now it’s time for others, a few timid (when it comes to that kind of convergence) peoples, but even here, the new beginnings are being shown and it makes me happy and excited.
Apr 21
AleksHistory, The Dombrovskis government
RIGA – Most things in Latvia seem to occur randomly and often unexpectedly. Take, for example, last week’s failed re-election of the prosecutor general Jānis Maizītis, whose term in office expires on May 11. The political establishment had said they pulled their support behind the only candidate for the prosecutor general. On TV hours before the vote, political leaders one by one said they would vote to re-elect Maizītis, who has been serving his two five-year terms as the prosecutor general since 2000.
Instead, they pulled “Et, tu, Brute?”
It came as a surprise to Maizītis himself, who, following the vote, issued a thinly-veiled threat to make reveal dirt on a few members of parliament. It could serve as a ticking time bomb ahead of the October election.
So, in Latvia, one can never be sure of a political game’s outcome. Words often don’t mean anything. In spite of the progress made so far, risks to the IMF-led three-year loan program remain very much real. Even though one opposition party offered its support to the government, the risks to the stability of the minority government of Valdis Dombrovskis remain high.
It would take a fortune-teller to predict how it will ends. But in case of Latvia, even if you thought one can make a reasonable expectation that a certain event may occur, it still comes as a surprise, forcing Latvia to perpetually react to events rather than prepare for them.
For example, in 13 days, Latvia will be celebrating the 20th anniversary of the restoration of its independence from the Soviet Union. The government plans a series of events celebrating the event as the democracy in today’s Latvia has surpassed our first democratic experiment before the Second World War.
The anniversary of the restoration of independence came as surprise to two young Latvian girls on the street. Seeing streets adorned with national colors, the girls became confused.
“What’s the date today?”
“April 21″
“What are we celebrating?”
I helped them out.
“Ah, sorry. We live in ignorance,” they said.
Apparently, so did the government. The anniversary came as a surprise to the cash-strapped Latvia plans to spend (the link is in Latvian) almost 240,000 lats (US$480,000) on the festivities from the fund for “the unforeseen events” in the state budget. Or a rainy day fund. Any one with a calendar could point to May 4 and tell you that it is the anniversary of the restoration of Latvia’s independence (This video of the Singing Revolution is here). But apparently, the public officials couldn’t account for it in within their existing budgets.
Better yet, the fund has become the cash cow for ministries. Last year, the government even paid out salaries from the fund. Out of original 16.4 million lats earmarked for the fund this year, the government has already spent 9.95 million lats. And it’s only April.
Feb 23
AleksHistory, Politics
RIGA – According to a Latvijas Fakti survey published over the weekend, every fifth Latvian longs for the president to suspend the Constitution and rule the country with a strong hand, similar to the way Charles Ulmanis did back in 1934.
Oct 09
AleksHistory
RIGA – A location of the cinema Riga on Elizabetes iela has long offered city dwellers bread and circuses.
From the dawn of the 19th century to the present day, visitors and locals alike have stormed to watch films, variety shows, even fighting championships. The first theater, “Olympia”, was located near present-day cinema Riga. It started showing moving pictures in the summer of 1905 in the nearby park located in the place of today’s Riga cinema. In 1918, a famous Latvian architect Eižens Laube rebuilt the wooden theater building. 
In the fall of 1919, the new cinema called “Maska” (Mask, pictured) opened its doors to the public, offering a variety of moving pictures, including “Latvija Top,” whose ad is shown on the right. Certainly it wasn’t the first cinema in the city, but it grew popular with the public.
Two days before the New Year in 1923, a new cinema opens near “Maska.” Russian businessman Vasily Emelyanov opened the cinema “Splendid Palace,” which will much later become Cinema Riga. Born in St. Petersburg, Emelyanov decided not to return to Russia after the Bolshevik coup in 1917. He remained in the Baltics and opened a chain of movie theaters in four Baltic capitals, Helsinki, Tallinn, Riga, and Kaunas. In Latvia, he formed a company named “Ars” which owned also other movie theaters in the city. The theater showed European and American films as the company signed agreements with American movie studios. The first film shown at the Splendid Palace was a drama adventure Under Two Flags about a love triangle in the French Algeria.
On the run from punishment for a crime committed by his brother, Bertie Cecil (alias Lewis Victor) joins the French Foreign Legion. In Algeria, he becomes the hated rival of his commander, Chateauroy, who despises Victor’s breeding and also competes for the same woman. Victor is beloved of Cigarette, an Algerian camp follower, who saves his life, though he love another.
The theater also showed Coney Island, a film with comedy geniuses, Roscoe “Fatty” Arbuckle and Buster Keaton. The Splendid Cinema became the first theater to show films with sound. It became the motion picture called the Singing Fool, shown here in 1929. Ten years later, the Great Leader Kārlis Ulmanis attended the showing of the Latvian sound film, “A Fisherman’s Son.”
However, the Splendid Palace cinema was so much more than its repertoire. Today, the building is a national monument of architecture, originally designed by the architect Fridrihs Skujiņš, who also designed the present-day Cabinet of Ministers on the opposite side of the street. To this day, the Splendid Cinema remains tucked it behind an architectural eyesore, a casino (pictured below).
“Maska” remained under construction until 1947 when it was opened under a new name “Spartak” (Spartacus), a specialized movie theater that showed non-stop documentaries. In the 1980s, it became the first stereo theater in Riga. And now its screen is used as the second screen of the movie theater Riga.
When the Soviets arrived in Riga in 1940, both theaters transformed into the mouthpiece of the Soviet propaganda, showing Soviet epics like “Lenin in October.” In spite of attempts to appease new authorities, Emelyanov was arrested by the Soviets and on June 14, 1941, deported to Siberia, where he died 8 years later. Under the German occupation, “Maska” became a closed theater for the German military.
After the war, “Maska” remained closed down, while “Splendid Palace” opened with a war epic on November 6, 1945. Interestingly enough, its Western bourgeoisie-like name “Splendid Palace” had remained the theater’s name until the early 1950s when it was renamed into a politically correct “Riga.” When Latvia regained its independence back in 1991, the sweeping wave of returning historical names to streets and parks avoided the movie theater.
Aug 07
AleksHistory, Parliament, Politics, President, The Godmanis government
RIGA – I went to listen to the president speak yesterday at the Saeima and I almost fell asleep. If leaders are supposed to be inspirational, Latvia’s President Valdis Zatlers was not. It is best to listen to his speech before you go to bed.
But the speech was good. Zatlers called on members of parliament to heed to call of the electorate (yeah, right!), following the Saturday’s political circus, or to put it the boringly, the Referendum on the Constitutional Amendments. More than 600,000 allegedly apathetic Latvians for a moment set a keg of beer aside and went to the polls to tell the government what they thought of it.
The government told them they were wrong and it knew better.
The zoo-elected president, Zatlers now has another chance to earn some political capital that may even carry him into the second term. The silver-haired doctor has a chance to heal the nation. To fix political crisis in our little kingdom, Zatlers can dissolve the parliament and, I believe, he would keep his job in a national referendum. The question is how long it will take him to make that decision.
The president appeared to give the parliament until Christmas to decide on constitutional amendments drafted by a group of legal experts that do indeed give voters a right to call snap elections but with harsher restrictions so not to destabilize the country.
Stability has been a token of dictatorship though and I find it very interesting that we find ourselves in a similar situation as back in May 1934, on the eve of the Murder of Democracy when Latvia’s Prime Minister Karlis Ulmanis dissolved the parliament and became a de facto dictator. A day before his coup d’etat, the parliament voted in second reading on amendments to allow voters a right to dissolve the assembly. The bill never went to the third reading as the parliament was dissolved under the pretext of re-writing the constitution.
Chances of a benevelent dictator stepping out of the shadows in the modern-day Latvia is unlikely. What is likely, however, is the continual denial of those in power that people just don’t know any better until it is too late. Add a good dose of the economic crisis and you’ve got a good political and economic climate for a revolution.
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